What does the ceasefire mean between Tehran and Tel Aviv? Iran’s hand on trigger – Mehr News Agency Iranian and world news

Mehr News Agency, International Group: By proclaiming the ceasefire between Iran and the Zionist regime, we have to see what has happened between the two parties and what commitments and obligations have been given to the parties and what are the duties of international institutions in this regard, and is the ceasefire the same?

The difference between Peace and Ceasefire from the perspective of international law is a fundamental difference and has important legal consequences for the involved parties as well as for international institutions.

Ceasefire / Armistice is a temporary and often urgent agreement to stop armed conflicts without the final resolution of the conflict and can be bilateral, unilateral, or by international organizations. The ceasefire has a political and military nature, not necessarily legal or permanent in the form of oral, written, or Security Council resolution. But Peace Agreement is a comprehensive and comprehensive agreement after negotiations and sometimes with mediation.

The ceasefire encompasses political, legal, territorial, and security dimensions, providing international law to the official end of war and returning to normal relations between governments, and in fact is the end of disputes and the beginning of a sustainable and long -term cooperation. Peace requires the signature of the Peace Treaty, and according to the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, any international treaty requires the approval of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. So what we are on the other side is a ceasefire and in no way can the concept of peace be attributed to it.

Now what is the legal status of the parties in the ceasefire and is the ceasefire preventing the crime against the peace and war crimes of the Zionist regime?

It should be noted that, first of all, the ceasefire, not the official end of the armed conflict, which is only stopped, so the two countries remain legally in the “international armed conflict”, if one of the party violates the ceasefire, can commit a serious violation of the armed conflict rules. This includes criminal responsibilities (such as war crimes) and international responsibility, and if one of the parties complains of violation, the Security Council may take action under Chapter 6 and 7 of the United Nations Charter (boycott, conviction, peace supervisor).

According to international law, especially international humanitarian law and international criminal law, criminal responsibility for war crimes will not be abolished even with the end of war or a ceasefire, and a ceasefire will not be an obstacle to dealing with the Zionist regime’s war crimes. War crimes include items such as:

Attack on civilians

Destruction of hospitals, relief and Red Crescent forces and media centers and reporters.

Targeting civilian infrastructure (eg power plants, schools, water centers).

In the recent war, we have witnessed the obvious violation of civilian rights by the Zionist regime, which is accurate examples of war crimes that are prosecuted even after the ceasefire. Israel’s action to start a aggressive war against Iran, contrary to the UN Charter, is a crime against peace, and this crime is one of the “non -forgive crimes”, which is subject to the jurisdiction of the court under Article 5 of the International Criminal Court (ICC) statute.

So, first of all, we should know that the ceasefire does not change the war between Iran and the Zionist regime, and it is important that in the country’s military and security arrangement, preparation for defense and offensive must be maintained.

Secondly, the violation of the ceasefire has legal consequences, and thirdly, with the ceasefire of the Zionist regime’s responsibility for the war crimes and crimes against the peace, it is assumed to be the legal and diplomacy apparatus of the country to pursue this issue from the official international channel.

Seyyed Mehdi Javadi; Professor of International Law of the University and Member of the Institute for Development of Modern Governance of Tehran University